SKDK / SKDKnickerbocker

Secretary of State Alex Padilla awarded SKDK an expedited ~$35 million “Vote Safe California” voter-education / mail-ballot campaign. Padilla had endorsed Biden; Anita Dunn was a senior Biden campaign adviser. Controller Betty Yee refused to draw warrants, arguing Padilla lacked budget authority and that county local-assistance / HAVA-style pots were not available for a Sacramento statewide buy. By Nov. 2, 2020, unpaid invoices exceeded $34.2 million. CalMatters FOIA: one month of TV/radio/Facebook/Twitter/YouTube/Snapchat buys >$11 million; other invoices >$9 million each. Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association sued. Early 2021, Newsom/legislative budget process authorized payment. Padilla was later appointed to the U.S. Senate.

Heather Wilson (then SKDK California): “We have full confidence that the Secretary of State’s office will pay us the amount owed under the contract.” Controller COO Dave O’Toole: appropriation “was clearly made to the counties and not to the SOS.” CA SOS published an SKDK fact sheet (AP20) describing the Vote Safe program.

Emergency invitation-only process (15 shops emailed July 17; seven responded; award Aug 13; DGS approval Oct 1). Losing bidder Mercury/Fabian Núñez protested SKDK’s hyperlinked 49-page creative dump against a 15-page RFP cap; Padilla’s office said competitive-bid norms did not apply to an emergency contract. Judicial Watch FOIA later argued SKDK-produced “misinformation briefings” for SOS were shared with platforms. House Oversight posted CASOS/SKDK documents. This is a taxpayer vendor contract — not proof SKDK “ran California’s election” or built print-at-home RAVBM software.

Anita Dunn is a founding SKDK partner: Obama White House communications director; senior Biden 2020 strategist; Biden White House senior adviser (2021; again 2022–2024). After Obama she returned to SKDK; the Times reported 100+ White House visits in following years. Husband Robert Bauer founded Perkins Coie’s political-law practice, served as Obama White House counsel, and has been personal counsel to Obama and Biden. Washington Post (Mar 28, 2022) counted at least 8 SKDK people inside the administration, at least 8 Biden officials who then joined/rejoined SKDK, and 19 names including campaign/transition — Energy, Interior, DHS, EPA, Commerce, USTR, West Wing, VP shop. Dunn’s first Biden tour paid ~$129,000 annualized — under the $132,552 cutoff that would have forced public disclosure of every SKDK client paying her >$5,000. As an SGE she also skipped Biden’s ethics pledge (including one-year shadow-lobbying ban). When she returned full-time in 2022 she later divested from SKDK and a joint portfolio with Bauer worth $16.8M–$48.2M (Times).

Jill Zuckman (SKDK partner), on Amazon/JEDI work: “We are not lobbyists and we have not, and do not, lobby the federal government.” Firm and White House have said Dunn’s SGE salary was not set to dodge scrutiny. Walter Shaub called the arrangement the appearance of influence peddling (WaPo). Doug Sosnik: if SKDK had not gotten more profitable during Biden’s presidency it would “defy the law of political gravity.”

Documented personnel loop and disclosure mechanics — not a criminal finding. Named WaPo roster includes Kate Berner, Herbie Ziskend, Sabrina Singh, Tyler Cherry, Bridget Bartol, Adam Hodge, Cameron French, Michael Czin, Kendra Barkoff Lamy, Karen Olick, and others. Politico later called SKDK “the most well-connected Democratic firm in Washington” in the Biden years. Vedant Patel (State PDS) joined SKDK as SVP May 2025 — after FARA Israel registration.

Friends of Madigan paid SKDK more than $200,000 (Aug 2018–Sep 2019) for crisis work aimed at Alaina Hampton’s retaliation lawsuit. First check: $37,500 on Aug 30, 2018, coded “media consulting.” Time’s Up Legal Defense Fund — SKDK’s storytelling/media partner — gave Hampton about $60,000 as a repayable legal loan and paid her Chicago PR. Hampton was not told SKDK also worked for Madigan: “They never told me… I would have never applied.” Time’s Up/NWLC said they learned of the Madigan retainer from the press. SKDK first defended the work (“take accountability”), then reversed: “In retrospect… an error.” Visible deliverable included Madigan’s Sep 2018 Chicago Tribune op-ed. Emails at Tim Mapes’s perjury trial: Michael McClain to Mapes — “We landed on SKDKnickerbocker. The lead is Anita Dunn.” An FBI wiretap of Madigan-orbit aides discussed Dunn’s crisis work; prosecutors did not charge Dunn or the firm. Illinois Speaker Welch said Democrats there would not use SKDK or Dunn again. Related cluster: Dunn spoke with Harvey Weinstein 2017 (firm: unpaid, friend ask); Hilary Rosen / Time’s Up board collision over Cuomo; NWLC terminated SKDK Dec 2021.

Dunn, reached by NPR: “just call SKDK on that, thank you,” and hung up. Firm refused to give NPR its conflict policy. Spokesperson who defended then walked back: Michael Czin (later WaPo roster — WH Counsel SGE, then SKDK managing director). Kendra Barkoff Lamy’s archived bio said she led SKDK’s Time’s Up work during Hampton’s case — same Barkoff Lamy on WaPo roster (EPA SGE → back to SKDK).

Documented dual-track crisis + #MeToo partner conflict. Not a criminal conviction of Dunn or SKDK. Intercept separately documented Time’s Up LDF declining Tara Reade support while Dunn advised Biden (2020) — structural conflict whether or not one believes Reade.

The Intercept reported Dominion Energy paid SKDK more than $1 million to advertise the Atlantic Coast gas pipeline. Dominion has been Virginia’s dominant utility donor for decades. Dunn was already in Biden’s orbit. Progressive climate groups used the episode as evidence that Biden’s inner circle would not wage war on a Democratic-state utility monopoly.

Cleanest documented “left-wing firm, fossil-fuel client” exhibit in this file. Corporate public affairs — not a criminal finding. Same commercial pattern as Amazon HQ2/JEDI, TikTok/ByteDance, TransCanada/Keystone (reported), NSO Group (Intercept 2019, later abandoned).

SKDKnickerbocker LLC registered with DOJ under FARA (#7552) on Feb 28, 2025 as an agent of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Public Affairs Division (contact Oren Marmorstein). Parent on form: Stagwell Marketing Communications LLC / Stagwell Global LLC. Short-form roster included Doug Thornell, Jill Zuckman, William Knapp, Oren Shur, Jasmine Hooks, Kerri Lyon, Mike Morey, Dylan St. Agathe. Service line: consulting on media relations. Later: signed Apr 28, 2025 as subcontractor to Havas (via Lapam), fee $600,000 through March 2026. Amendment filed Aug 29, 2025. Sludge (Sep 15) described exhibit language for a “bot-based program” / “flood the zone” on Instagram, TikTok, LinkedIn, YouTube, etc. SKDK: work was “media relations and nothing else.” Stagwell: “no Stagwell agency planned or performed any bot work.” Sept 16, 2025 — SKDK told Politico work stopped Aug 31 and it had begun to de-register; Responsible Statecraft later put actual payments around $150,000. Domestic 10/7 Project work (AIPAC/ADL/etc.) is separate and not FARA.

O’Dwyer’s quote from agreement language: Stagwell was “to ensure the consistent presence and credibility of civil society ‘spokespeople’ in top-tier international media outlets, strategically shaping global narratives.” Firm after Sludge: media relations only; denied bot execution.

Registered foreign-agent engagement that was abandoned under publicity. Contract language about bots is in the FARA packet; whether SKDK executed a bot program is disputed — keep that dispute labeled. Not “the firm is a foreign intelligence service.” First representation of the Israeli government itself (domestic pro-Israel PAC work is separate).

FEC-reported vendor disbursements (large share media-buy pass-through): InfluenceWatch compilation ~$303.6M+ from Dem-aligned PACs/committees 2012–2024; OpenSecrets ~$113.8M in the 2024 cycle alone; ~$69M in 2020 cycle. Top 2024 payors per OpenSecrets include Gallego for Arizona ($33.5M), Democratic Party of Pennsylvania ($14.9M), Michigan Democratic State Central Committee ($10.0M), House Majority PAC ($6.9M), Giffords PAC ($6.2M), DSCC ($2.7M), Future Forward USA ($1.9M), United Democracy Project / AIPAC-aligned ($1.4M), DNC Services Corp ($422k). Lee Fang: Stagwell-linked SKDK ~$117.2M since prior presidential election; Targeted Victory (GOP) ~$423.7M in same window; same parent also controls TMA Direct. Example: 2024 Santos-replacement special — SKDK digital for Suozzi (D); Targeted Victory NRCC account for Pilip (R). Nonprofit vendor trail (separate book): LCV >$16.5M across 2021–2022; NRDC Action Fund >$2.6M (2022–2023). Federal USASpending awards to recipient SKDKNICKERBOCKER LLC total ~$608,109.50 obligated across eight non-zero PIIDs (plus one $0 Commerce PIID) — not a hidden federal-grant empire versus California’s ~$35M Vote Safe headline. Award pages do not name Anita Dunn or any individual.

USAspending award pages for recipient legal name SKDKNICKERBOCKER LLC. Later awards use UEI PPHGRACE9A21 (1150 18th St NW); older State/HUD/Commerce lines use prior UEI MDMSUGSMAZK5 (1818 N Street NW). Same firm name across UEI change. Non-zero obligated total ~$608,109.50 across eight PIIDs. These dollars are org awards — not assigned to Anita Dunn or any person unless an award record names them.

Mark Penn to Morgan Stanley investors (Fang tape): “We have diverse exposure to the political marketplace.” Political work “leads to a lot of public affairs” after the election.

Vendor disbursements ≠ net profit. Campaign FEC money ≠ nonprofit 990 contractor fees ≠ California taxpayer contract ≠ FARA fees. Keep the four books separate. Direct Open Society / Arabella 990 payroll to SKDK was not found for this file.